This magnificent book contains the various contributions in Italian, French and at times English, which were given at the colloquium held at the Vatican in October 2021, under the aegis of Mgr Bernard Ardura, President of the Pontifical Council for Historical Science; he wrote the preface (p. I-IV).
The major purpose of this book is to officially bring to the attention of the academic world a number of discoveries or rediscoveries made in recent years relating to the early centuries of the Church.
As is to be expected in such cases, following the example of Voltaire’s virulent campaign against the Si-ngan-fou [Xi’an] stele (China) discovered in 1528 by the Jesuits, there are those who, on principle, consider traces of early Eastern Christianity in India or China to be impossible—and here, we are not talking about the 8th, but the 1st and 2nd centuries. Such preconceived attitudes also apply to Western documents, as there are some from this period, such as the Christian remains found at Herculaneum and Pompeii, which predate the year 79: these include Christian graffiti or graffiti mentioning the Cristiani, a cross that heat has, so to speak, figured on a wall above a small bench that seems intended for kneeling, and three examples of the encryption known as the “Sator square” (these issues were presented at the colloquium by Danilo Mazzoleni with illustrations (pp. 375-392).
There is no doubt that the contestation of everything to do with the Christian faith began in the very early days of Christianity, but since at least Voltaire’s time, it has taken the form of the idea of a late fabrication of Christianity and, in particular, of the Gospels; by virtue of this idea, what Jesus said about Himself according to the Gospels cannot be true, nor can His Resurrection be a historical fact (the sublimation of His body) at the same time as it is transhistorical. Any document is then viewed by virtue of this kind of vicious circle in principle, as Latinist Paul Mattéi implies quite clearly in the book’s second conclusion: “Is it likely that, at a time when, in the Roman Empire, Christianity was still in an embryonic state, and canonical evangelical literature still largely in gestation, i.e., in the last third of the first century, it was so present in the Far East, at the court of the Han, and in southern India?” The answer lies in the question’s presuppositions, which themselves deserve to be questioned: Are they not based above all on a misunderstanding or a selective knowledge of research? As this book attests, over the last thirty years there has been considerable progress in archaeology, in our understanding of Aramaic oral tradition (and thus of the fixation of the Gospels), and in other fields, too.
With these precautions in mind, let us take a look at the contributions, with the exception of that of Mazzoleni, already discussed. They are grouped into six parts.
Part I: The Origins of Church History: The State of Historiography
In his masterly introduction, Maxime Yevadian (pp. V-XXII) reminds us that historians today have far more extensive and effective tools at their disposal than was the case just a few years ago. Moreover, they need to know the history of Eurasia, if they are to appreciate the influence of the Apostles. Is this not an important reason why they are still the “great forgotten of history,” according to the question he poses (p. XII)? The contributions open with Josep-Ignasi Saranyana (University of Navarre: pp. 1- 15) on the history of speculations on the relationship between faith and reason (basically, the problems of so-called “fundamental theology,” which is effectively a speculation around the “concept of God”; in this regard, he (re)highlights the “providential role of history,” with reference to Dei Verbum. Mgr Antonio Pitta (obit. 01-10-2024), president of the Italian Biblical Association and prorector of the Pontifical Lateran University, leaves a short analysis (pp. 17-23) of Rudolph von Harnack’s contribution to interest in proto-Christianity.
Part II. Eurasia: A World of Trade between the Mediterranean and China
Claudia Moatti, Professor Emeritus at Paris 8, highlights the importance of travel in the Roman Empire, fostering a cosmopolitan spread of ideas and cultures in a world on the move. This was an essential factor in understanding the rapid spread of Christianity to regions far removed from Judea (pp. 27-44).
For his part, Yves Roman, Professor of Ancient History at Lyon II, emphasizes the opening up of the Roman Empire to China via the “silk roads,” in particular the maritime route via India and the port of Muziris. Without such numerous and frequented trade routes, Christianity could not have spread from Jerusalem to the Eastern world (pp. 44-58).
The considerable contribution by Maxime Yevadian, a world-renowned Armenologist (pp. 59-112 with maps and photos), deals with the question of Hebrew settlements in China during the Han period along the silk roads, the most central of which passed through Ferghana (present-day Uzbekistan-Kyrgyzstan); along the way, he highlights the role of the Armenians, masters of the northern, winter route. “The Hebrew communities lined all these routes… Thus, from the early years of our era, the structuring of the network was at its peak and must be taken into account if we wish to understand the rapid spread of evangelical preaching, through the support provided by the Hebrew communities.”
Federico De Romanis (University of Rome II) focuses on “Christianity in southern India in the light of the evolution of Roman trade in the Indian Ocean.” Greco-Latin texts give an idea of the wealth of this trade, which enabled Christians to travel to India (pp.113-131 with two illustrations).
Part III: Origin and Development of the Church
Archaeologist Bruno Bioul (Université de Bourgogne) focuses on “Palestine at the time of Herod the Great” (pp.135-203). After a historical overview, he gives us a wide-ranging, multidisciplinary description, highlighting the intermingling of Jewish and non-Jewish populations, albeit in generally separate locations.
Anthony Giambrone, OP, vice-director of the École Biblique et Archéologique Française de Jérusalem, looks at the social context of the “early Church.” Emphasizing the economic prosperity of the period, he discusses the synagogues of the time (pp. 205-232, with illustrations).
Francisco José López Sáez (Universities of Comillas and San Dámaso), addresses the question of “checkerboards,” formerly known as net structures, i.e., when the beads of the recitation can be said in a row or opposite each other (e.g., 1-2-3-4-5-6 or 1-4, 2-5, 3- 6). The Gospel of John is in itself a (vast) checkerboard, one of the 17 necklaces forming the gospel corpus highlighted in Pierre Perrier’s 2003 book Les colliers évangéliques. By way of example, here is the probable structure of Mark (p. 265):
It is a three-dimensional structure, so to speak, with the Transfiguration at its center. Checkerboard structures are often simpler (two-dimensional), and other examples are given. Thus they always reveal that their authors can be neither Greek nor late (pp. 233-269 with illustrations).
Part IV: Literature as a Source for Church History
Contrary to P. López Sáez, who shows that the first twelve chapters of the Acts of the Apostles (1:2b-12:24) or the “Jerusalem Chronicle” form a checkerboard of five triplets of pearls (cf. fig. 16 p. 266), Daniel Marguerat (University of Lausanne, Protestant theologian) believes that Acts borrows “its literary procedures” from Greco-Roman historiography—they are at the same time a “kerygmatic proclamation” in substance. In short, it is a memorial work “intended to canonize the past,” in which the Word-Logos plays a decisive role (pp. 273-287).
“Epideixis or the narrative form of the rule of faith” is the subject treated by Elie Ayroulet (Institut Catholique de Lyon). It concerns The Demonstration of Apostolic Preaching, the second known book by Irenaeus of Lyons, the structure of which was outlined above (p. 268). The rule of faith it gives in narrative form focuses on “the economy of salvation: Creation on the part of the Father, the epic realized by the Son, the illuminating action of the prophetic Spirit” (pp. 289-298).
In Petronius’ Satyricon, dating from the very beginning of the second century, Stéphane Ratti (Université de Bourgogne) studies the “Christian imprint” in the form of parodies on the parable of the prodigal son (43), the anointing at Bethany (71) and the sign of the Tau (62 – Ezekiel’s Tav, which can be written as a +, thus similar to the cross) (p. 299-314). Preliminary studies on the subject can be found here and here.
Part V: Regional Approaches to Christian Mission and Church Development
Rome and Italy
Ilaria Ramelli, a world-renowned specialist in Roman antiquity, was unable to attend the colloquium, but sent her contribution: “Gens Annaea and early Christianity: Problems and research” (pp. 319-373). It deals in particular with Flavius Clement and Flavia Domitilla, who were very probably Christians. This long article argues in great detail for this conclusion: “Even if we do not accept the authenticity of the correspondence between Seneca and Paul (which, even pseudepigraphically, could date from before the 4th century), it is possible that Seneca came to know Paul, and very likely that he knew of the Jesus movement. Christianity undoubtedly entered the imperial family at the time of Domitian and, in addition to interesting literary evidence such as Petronius’ The Satyricon and the Ps. Seneca, epigraphic evidence attests to an Annaeus Paulus Petrus who must have been a Christian and, free man or not, belonged to the gens Annaea, dating between the end of the 1st century and the 2nd or 3rd of our era.”
The Parthian and Armenian World
After Danilo Mazzoleni’s contribution (see above) comes that of Cornelia Horn (University of Halle-Wittenberg, Germany): “Establishing some evidence for the expansion of Christianity in the Parthian Empire”—the Parthian Empire became that of the Sassanids in 224 AD, leading to persecution of Christians. In her analysis, the author seems to overlook the fact that the Christians of this empire were predominantly of Jewish descent, sharing with the Jews the way of praying the psalms, etc. She offers a glimpse into academic discussions, notably concerning Mingana’s 1907 Chronicle of Arbela. Note the dangerous presupposition that what can only be found in late written form was invented at the time: “The assertion that Thomas came to India as the ultimate goal of his travels came from late authors writing in Syriac, e.g., Solomon of Basra and Elijah of Damascus” (p. 422)—did Greek or Latin authors have to know everything? (pp. 396-438 with illustrations).
In “Christianity in Armenia before its institutionalization as a state religion: Between history and literary tradition,” Grigor Grigoryan (University of Yerevan) refers to little-known Armenian sources. Of course, these sources post-date the year 406, when the monk Mesrop Mashtots invented the Armenian alphabet. This is an opportunity to remind ourselves that history is also passed down through oral traditions, in ways that are certainly different from those of writing. These traditions relate to Christian Armenia before 300, and in particular to the evangelization of Addaï/Thaddeus and Bartholomew, who left bishops in their wake. A persecution took place towards the end of the second, beginning of the 3rd century (pp. 439-451).
As Sherly Avedian, architect and director of the Department of Iranian Churches (Tehran), was unable to attend, her contribution was read out: “History of Christianity in Iran.” She recalls the vacancy of the episcopal see of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, the capital, from 379 to 383 AD, because of the persecution of Shapur II, and there were others afterwards, which convinced the bishops to adopt the positions of Nestorius and to distance themselves from the West, under pressure from the king of kings (pp. 453-463).
The World of India
The contribution of Pierre Perrier (Académie des Sciences, Paris) on the “Hymn of the Pearl,” found only in the heart of two manuscripts of the Acts of Thomas, revolutionizes previous studies: it is a “madrasha” to be placed in its Hebrew-Babylonian context. A new translation is given, compared with that of La Pléiade, and explained. It reveals a spiritual condensation of Thomas’s mission to Taxila, an ill-prepared mission that he had to correct, and his return to Jerusalem via Maïshan. This madrasha is said to have inspired 1 Peter actually written by Peter from Babylon (5: 13) in 52 AD, as well as the Kong Wang Shan frieze discussed below (pp. 467-516 with illustrations).
Thattunkal Zachariah Mani (Kerala) has been studying the double-sided Charition mime papyrus designated Oxyrhynchos 413 (found in that ancient Egyptian city in 1897) for many years. This papyrus was part of a mime for citizens and probably also for an audience of travellers and sailors, hence the jumble of Greek, Sanskrit, Malayalam (language of south-west India), Aramaic and Hebrew words. At least 31 of these words and expressions are typically Christian. The passage from the comedy refers (mockingly) to a Christian cult held in a port in India, probably Muziris. The papyrus dates back to the very early second century AD. Hence the title of the contribution, “The Greek play Charition of the 1st century and the Christians of Saint Tomas of Kerala” (pp. 517-540 with illustrations).
In “Les Actes de Thomas: la date de composition et les structures du texte”, Jiphy Francis Mekkattukulam (Marymatha Major Seminary, Kerala) notes the numerous Greek (21) and Syriac (9) manuscripts of the text. On page 555, the author gives a plan of these Acts according to Thomas’s movements, to be compared with the pendant structures indicated by Pierre Perrier on p. 510. This text has only been known in the West since Epiphanius of Salamis (Panarion, c. 375), but he points out that it was used by “encratites” and “apostolates” – without specifying since when; scholars sometimes date it from the end of the 2nd century (p. 541-567).
In “The Acts of Thomas: Date of composition and structures of the text,” Jiphy Francis Mekkattukulam (Marymatha Major Seminary, Kerala) notes the numerous Greek (21) and Syriac (9) manuscripts of the text. On page 555, the author gives a plan of these Acts according to Thomas’s movements, to be compared with the pendant structures indicated by Pierre Perrier on p. 510. This text has been known in the West since Epiphanius of Salamis (Panarion, ca. 375 AD), but he points out that it was used by “encratites” and “apostolates”—without specifying since when; scholars sometimes date it from the end of the 2nd century AD (pp. 541-567).
The World of China
François-Régis Moreau (Seminarian Saint Martin, France) takes up the question of primo-Christianity in China (pp. 571-598), following in the footsteps of the recently deceased Professor Wang Wei Fan, under the title, “The ornamentation of the Xuzhou tombs.” The Christian representations on display at Xuzhou’s Han Stone Curvings Museum are all currently “under restoration,” and will remain so indefinitely. One would have to be obtuse not to see the Chinese CP’s hand in this, and we will have to come back to this subject. The author also analyzes a tomb near Yinan (Shandong) and a bronze disc depicting two fish and five loaves of bread: the illustrations are given in black and white, and the representation of this disc is much less clear than in here, or in this pdf.
“A mirror giving thanks to the Virgin Mary?” is the title of a contribution by David Linxin He (Max Planck Institut, Munich) on a 13.4 cm bronze mirror-disc (private collection). It must date back to “a fairly brief period from the end of the later Han period to the beginning of the Three Kingdoms.” It clearly features a circular inscription in blocks of ideogram kings, the immediate reading of which is—make a divine mirror, venerate the one God, the virtuous mother looks at the Son of Man, there is a shining jade/king, the goal is important [and] it must [be] raised (this last block contains a small added character specifying “it must”). A more subtle reading (see here) only reinforces the unmistakably Christian character of this second-century inscription: the expression “Son of Man” that Jesus attributes to Himself and takes from the prophet Daniel has no equivalent elsewhere, and, of course, the mention of a single God in the midst of polytheism is typically Judeo-Christian (pp. 599-611 with illustrations).
Reflections on Part of the Church’s Tradition: The Veneration of Relics
Among the many testimonies that France can provide (or see here), Jean-Michel Sanchez, PhD in art history, dealt with “Relics, reliquaries and the cult of Saint Martha in Tarascon.” After a review of 19th-century detractors, the author points to the convergence of clues proving the presence of St. Martha’s uncorrupted body in Tarascon, many of whose pieces were distributed as relics to various churches. The saint’s reliquary bust was destroyed in 1794, but a new one was made in 1805, containing other remains taken from the crypt sarcophagus (pp. 615-644 with illustrations).
The book concludes with a look at Saint Martha’s sister: “Historical and anthropological survey of the main relics attributed to Saint Mary Magdalene in France,” by Stéphane Morin (archivist for the Diocese of Fréjus-Toulon) and Philippe Charlier (forensic pathologist). As with her sister, numerous samples were taken from the body preserved at Saint-Maximin in order to supply the relics that were in demand just about everywhere (including the Madeleine church in Paris, via Italy). Philippe Charlier has reconstructed the probable face of Mary Magdalene from her skull, using current techniques (pp. 645-677 with illustrations).
Conclusion: A Review of Ongoing Research (pp. 681-690)
First, Angelo Di Bernardino (Institut Patristique Augustinienne, Rome) summarizes nine of the contributions, those he chaired on the Wednesday of the colloquium (pp. 681-685). This is followed by a general conclusion by Paul Mattéi (specialist in Latin literature, Lyon), who engages (?) in agnostic hyper-criticism. We noted in the introduction the vicious circle of his position; it raises questions when he writes—as if he had not had the opportunity to question the colloquium contributors on his objections: “The investigation that has been proposed to us on the ‘Kong Wang Shan frieze’ (Shueh)Ying Liao) cannot conclude too quickly that the monument is Christian in character, without having considered as exhaustively as possible the interpretations that could be inspired by the indigenous religious and philosophical traditions—I mean properly Chinese.” In fact, no interpretation other than the Christian one has been able to explain the significance of this frieze with its 107 figures, apart from that of a small, crude engraving added later in the right-hand corner, which is Buddhist—several contributors were well aware of this.
He repeats this “identical objection for the Xuzhou mirror” (David Linxin He). The same applies, mutatis mutandis… to the questions that arise concerning the Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 413 (Thattuntal Mani). To put it another way, what has repeatedly been developed in this colloquium is first and foremost a hypothesis.” But is not that just a hypothesis, and a sophistical one at that? Scientists know that what has been demonstrated can be relativized in a broader understanding, but precisely not denied, in the way that Michel Onfray denies the very existence of Jesus. Science is not ideological, scientism is.
However, this curious conclusion does have one point of interest—it points to a contribution that was made but not included in the Proceedings: that of Shueh-Ying Liao (linguist originally from Taiwan, University of Bordeaux). The current Communist dogma concerning this famous frieze is, without explanation, that it is Buddhist or pre-Taoist (which means nothing); it is not good in China to ask questions. Is this why the author asked for his contribution to be withdrawn? Indeed, the current Chinese PC forbids saying that Christianity dates back to the time of the Apostles, even to the point of removing museum objects from public view, as pointed out above—is Mattéi unaware of this situation? Fortunately, a draft can be consulted on the web, and if it is deleted from hal.science, it can be found here. According to Chinese imperial archives, this frieze dates back to the year 69 AD, so we can understand the feverishness of the Chinese PC and today’s Voltaires. To find out more, click here.
Would the Apostles have given their lives for an invention? Certainly not, unless we postulate that their existence is hypothetical, since we have not explored all the possibilities to the contrary. “Blessed is he for whom I shall not fall away,” Jesus foretold (Luke 7: 23).
Featured: The Good Shepherd, fresco from the Catacombs of Priscilla, Rome, ca. third century AD.
