1. Summary of the Report’s Core Findings
The report, Exposing Canadian Military Exports to Israel, published by the Arms Embargo Now campaign in coalition with the Palestinian Youth Movement and World Beyond War, presents the most comprehensive public accounting to date of Canadian military exports to Israel during the Gaza assault (October 2023 – July 2025). Using two novel data sources—commercial shipping records and Israeli Tax Authority (ITA) import data—the report documents 47 direct shipments from Canadian manufacturers to Israeli defence firms, 421,070 bullets (including a single April 2025 shipment of 175,000 rounds), and 391 separate military-related imports recorded by Israel itself. These flows continued well after the Canadian government’s announced “pause” on new arms export permits in January 2024 and directly contradict public statements by Prime Minister Trudeau, Foreign Minister Joly, and Prime Minister Carney.
The report’s core allegation is systematic deception: Canada maintained a continuous pipeline of weapons, components, and dual-use technologies to Israel while publicly claiming restraint. This pipeline includes F-35 fighter jet components from Canadian firms (Stelia Aerospace, CMC Electronics, Nexeya Canada), mortar cartridges from General Dynamics in Repentigny, Quebec, and avionics, GPS antennas, and electronic warfare parts from companies across Montreal, Toronto, Ottawa, Calgary, Vancouver, and Halifax. Shipments traveled on commercial passenger flights (64 of over 100 flights) and via maritime routes, with airlines including Air Canada, Lufthansa, and El Al transporting military cargo beneath civilian passengers.
2. Methodological Innovation and Limitations
The report’s strength lies in its dual methodology. First, commercial shipping data (bill of lading records) traces individual shipments from Canadian cities to Israeli defence facilities, bypassing Canada’s opaque export permit system. Second, ITA import data provides real-time confirmation of receipt in Israel, using detailed Harmonized System codes that distinguish military bullets from civilian ammunition. This cross-verification eliminates reliance on Global Affairs Canada’s self-reports, which the report notes became more opaque after 2024 (renamed “Strategic Goods and Technologies” rather than “Exports of Military Goods”).
However, limitations exist. The 47 direct shipments are described as “a glimpse, not an exhaustive record.” The report cannot confirm every permit’s end-use, though it argues that given Israel’s documented violations of international humanitarian law (IHL), any transfer of military goods carries substantial risk. Additionally, the ITA data does not always distinguish civilian from military end-use for dual-use items (e.g., GPS antennas), but the recipients—Elbit Systems, Elta Systems, NIRON Systems—are exclusively military firms.
3. Detailed Evidence of Canadian Complicity
3.1 Direct Munitions Shipments
The most damning evidence involves General Dynamics Ordnance and Tactical Systems (GD-OTS) in Repentigny, Quebec. Three shipments of “cartridges” left this facility on September 19, 2024 (nine days after Minister Joly publicly pledged to block munitions exports from that same company), May 22, 2025, and July 18, 2025. The report notes that GD-OTS is a sole-source provider of 155mm artillery propellant to the U.S. Department of Defense, which then supplies Israel. These are not “non-lethal” goods—they are high-explosive mortar cartridges used extensively in Gaza’s urban密集 areas.
3.2 F-35 Fighter Jet Components
A dedicated case study examines Canadian technology in the F-35I Adir, Israel’s variant of the Joint Strike Fighter. The F-35 has been central to Israel’s aerial bombardment, including the July 13, 2024 massacre at Al-Mawasi (designated a “safe zone”), where three 2,000-pound bombs killed at least 90 displaced Palestinians. Canadian companies supply critical components:
- Stelia Aerospace (Lunenburg, NS): Composite panels and weapons bay door shims for the F-35 fuselage. Five shipments to Elbit’s Cyclone facility between November 2023 and September 2024.
- CMC Electronics (Montreal): Doppler navigation sensors providing jam-resistant targeting data. Four shipments to Israel between January and April 2025.
- Nexeya Canada (Markham, ON): Modular Product Tester (MPT) that validates F-35 weapons systems before combat missions. Shipments in November 2024 and February 2025.
The report calculates that each F-35 contains approximately $2.3 million worth of Canadian parts (based on a 2018 Lockheed Martin study). With Israel operating 39 F-35Is and logging a 565% increase in flight hours post-October 7, Canadian components directly enable the “nonstop operations” described by a U.S. Joint Program Office official.
3.3 Civilian Infrastructure as Military Logistics
One alarming finding is the use of commercial passenger flights for military cargo. Of over 100 flights transporting these 47 shipments, 64 were regular passenger routes (Air Canada, Air France, Etihad, etc.) with weapons components loaded in cargo holds. Routes included Frankfurt, Paris, New York, Abu Dhabi, and New Delhi. This implicates civilian airlines and airport authorities in the arms supply chain, raising legal questions about their liability under IHL.
The report also identifies maritime shipments via Zim (Israel’s largest cargo line) from Halifax to Haifa and Ashdod, carrying radar systems and avionics. Rail and highway infrastructure across Canada was used to move goods from factories to airports/ports, making the entire Canadian transportation network complicit.
3.4 Geographic and Corporate Mapping
The report provides city-by-city breakdowns:
- Montreal (19 shipments): GD-OTS cartridges, CAE Inc. repairs for Elbit, Pratt & Whitney aircraft engines (PT6a-67f used in IAF drones).
- Greater Toronto Area (13 shipments): Pixus Technologies (electronic warfare enclosures), Noranco (landing gear components for F-35), Dishon Limited (welding machines for Merkava tank production).
- Calgary (4 shipments): Inova Geophysical (“Elbit parts” to NIRON Systems for weapon delivery systems), Novatel (GPS receivers to WaldyTech, an Elbit supplier).
- Vancouver (2 shipments): Anodyne Electronics (aircraft audio amplifiers for military helicopters).
- Halifax (6 shipments): Stelia Aerospace F-35 parts.
- Ottawa (1 shipment): Calian GNSS GPS antennas to Elbit’s electronic warfare division.
A full appendix lists over 30 additional complicit companies (e.g., Héroux-Devtek, Magellan Aerospace, Gastops) that supply F-35, Apache helicopter, or JDAM bomb components but were not captured in the 47 direct shipments.
4. The “Pattern of Government Lies”
The report meticulously documents a chronology of government obfuscation:
- January 2024: Trudeau tells reporters no new permits issued since October 7. GAC data later reveals nearly $30 million in new permits authorized in the first two months of the genocide.
- February 2024: GAC invents a “non-lethal” distinction (e.g., night vision goggles). The report notes this has no basis in Canadian law and ignores that night vision facilitates sniper killings. ITA data shows 175,000 military bullets exported in April 2025—indisputably lethal.
- March 2024: Parliament passes a non-binding motion to “cease further authorization and transfer of arms exports to Israel.” Joly announces a pause on new permits but never cancels existing ones. Trudeau tells a constituent, “we’ve stopped exports of arms to Israel”—while shipments continued.
- September 2024: Joly learns of GD-OTS mortar cartridges bound for Israel via the U.S. She declares, “We will not have any form of arms or parts of arms be sent to Gaza, period.” Nine days later, a GD-OTS shipment leaves for Tel Aviv. Two more follow in 2025.
- March 2025: GAC claims no new permits since January 2024. Access-to-information data obtained by The Maple reveals two new permits in February 2025 worth $37.2 million, including explosives.
The report concludes that the government deliberately rushed through a record number of permits before the January 2024 pause, then relied on loopholes (U.S. transit, “non-lethal” labeling, diplomatic cargo misuse) to maintain material support while claiming restraint.
5. Violations of Domestic and International Law
5.1 Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) and Export and Import Permits Act (EIPA)
Canada is a state party to the ATT, which prohibits arms transfers where there is a “substantial risk” of serious IHL violations. The EIPA (updated in 2019 to harmonize ATT provisions) requires the Minister to deny permits if goods could be used to commit or facilitate war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide. The report argues that Israel’s documented conduct in Gaza—targeting civilians, using disproportionate force, blocking humanitarian aid, and destroying civilian infrastructure—creates an undeniable substantial risk. Therefore, every Canadian arms transfer since October 2023 violates the EIPA.
5.2 International Court of Justice (ICJ) Rulings
In January 2024, the ICJ found a “plausible” case of genocide in Gaza and ordered Israel to prevent life-destroying conditions. The ICJ later reminded states of their obligation to avoid transferring arms that might violate the Genocide Convention. The UN Commission of Inquiry explicitly called for due diligence on all trade agreements with Israel. Canada’s continued exports constitute a refusal to respect the ICJ’s provisional measures.
5.3 International Criminal Court (ICC) and UN Experts
In February 2024, UN experts warned that any weapons transfer to Israel for use in Gaza likely violates IHL. In July 2025, the Special Rapporteur on Palestinian human rights urged a full arms embargo, noting “an economy of occupation turned genocidal.” The ICC is investigating war crimes by both Hamas and Israeli officials. By supplying weapons, Canada risks complicity in those crimes under the doctrine of aiding and abetting (Article 25(3)(c) of the Rome Statute).
5.4 Domestic Sanctions Law (Special Economic Measures Act)
The report recommends using SEMA to impose a unilateral arms embargo on Israel, similar to sanctions imposed on Russia, Iran, and North Korea. The absence of such measures, despite overwhelming evidence of genocide, reveals political choice rather than legal necessity.
6. The “U.S. Loophole” and Diplomatic Cargo Misuse
A critical mechanism of evasion is the transshipment of Canadian arms through the United States. The government claims that once goods enter the U.S., they are no longer subject to Canadian export controls. However, the EIPA’s Export Control List still requires permits for goods destined for a “final end-use” that would violate Canadian law. The report documents Canadian-made F-35 parts shipped to Texas for assembly, then to Israel—a clear indirect transfer. Similarly, the U.S. purchased $83 million in mortar cartridges from GD-OTS Quebec to send to Israel, a transaction Joly promised to block but did not.
The report also raises concerns about diplomatic cargo labeled as “diplomatic mail” from the Israeli Consulate in Montreal. Citing the 2017 IPIS report Fatal Freight, it notes that Israel’s Ministry of Defence previously used diplomatic cargo classifications to ship 16,883 tons of military equipment during the 2014 Gaza war without disclosure. The current data shows similar labeling, suggesting ongoing abuse.
7. Why Does Canada Continue to Supply Arms to a Genocidal State?
Based on the report’s evidence, Canada’s continued arming of Israel—despite genocide in Gaza and escalating violence in Lebanon (where Israeli airstrikes have killed thousands since October 2023)—is not an accident or bureaucratic oversight. It is a deliberate policy sustained by four interlocking factors:
7.1 Deep Integration with the U.S. Military-Industrial Complex
Canada is not an independent actor in arms exports. The F-35 program, in which Canada is a “partner nation,” locks Canadian firms into a supply chain dominated by Lockheed Martin and the U.S. Department of Defense. Canceling F-35 parts to Israel would mean withdrawing from the entire F-35 program—a politically unacceptable step given that Canada has committed to purchasing 88 F-35s for its own air force. The government prioritizes domestic aerospace jobs (over 200 Canadian firms supply F-35 components) over compliance with IHL. This is economic complicity dressed as strategic necessity.
7.2 Political Ideology: “Unwavering Support for Israel”
Since October 7, Canada’s political class—Liberal and Conservative alike—has framed support for Israel as support for the “only democracy in the Middle East.” This ideological commitment overrides legal obligations. Even as the ICJ issued rulings, Trudeau and Joly consistently reaffirmed Israel’s “right to defend itself,” adopting Israel’s framing of its assault as self-defense rather than collective punishment. The government fears domestic political backlash from pro-Israel lobbies (e.g., Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs) and from the U.S. administration, which has vetoed UN Security Council ceasefire resolutions.
7.3 Regulatory Capture and Industry Influence
The report’s appendices list dozens of Canadian companies profiting from the arms trade to Israel: General Dynamics, Pratt & Whitney, Héroux-Devtek, Magellan Aerospace, and many more. These firms employ thousands of workers in politically sensitive ridings (e.g., Longueuil, Quebec; Winnipeg, Manitoba; Halifax, Nova Scotia). Global Affairs Canada’s export permit process is notoriously opaque, with industry representatives often consulting on regulations. The government’s “non-lethal” distinction was invented to shield these companies from public scrutiny while allowing business as usual. This is corporate capture of foreign policy.
7.4 Deliberate Use of Legal Loopholes
The report identifies three key loopholes that Canada refuses to close:
- The U.S. transshipment loophole: Arms sent to the U.S. are not tracked to final destination in Israel.
- The “non-lethal” fiction: No legal definition exists, but GAC uses it to approve dual-use technologies (drones, radar, night vision) that are integral to lethal operations.
- Diplomatic cargo abuse: Israel’s consulate can ship goods without inspection.
The government has rejected parliamentary motions to close these loopholes, most recently in March 2025. This is not passive oversight but active legal engineering to maintain deniability.
7.5 Fear of International Isolation (Paradoxically)
Canada seeks to position itself as a “middle power” committed to rules-based order. However, cutting off arms to Israel would mean diverging from the United States, which remains Israel’s primary weapons supplier. Successive Canadian governments have chosen alignment with U.S. policy over adherence to international law. The report notes that even as European states (Belgium, Italy, Spain, the Netherlands) suspended some arms exports to Israel, Canada doubled down, increasing ammunition shipments in 2025.
8. Conclusion: Canada Is Complicit in Genocide
The report’s evidence compels a single conclusion: Canada is knowingly and systematically complicit in the genocide in Gaza and the escalating violence in Lebanon. Under the Genocide Convention, complicity includes not only direct perpetration but also providing the means to commit genocide when there is knowledge of the genocidal intent. The ICJ has already found a plausible case of genocide. Canadian officials have been publicly notified by UN experts, parliamentary motions, and civil society. Yet bullets, F-35 parts, and electronic warfare systems continue to flow.
Complicity in Lebanon follows the same logic. Since October 2023, Israel has bombed Lebanese cities, killed over 2,000 people (including hundreds of civilians), and displaced more than 1 million. Canadian-made components in Israeli warplanes and drones facilitate these attacks. The government’s silence on Lebanon, coupled with continued arms exports, demonstrates that Canada’s policy is not about supporting Israel’s “right to defend itself” but about maintaining a military supply relationship regardless of the target.
The report’s recommendations are urgent and unambiguous:
- Impose a full two-way arms embargo on Israel using the Special Economic Measures Act.
- Cancel all existing export permits to Israel, not just pause new ones.
- Close the U.S. loophole by requiring end-use assurances and individual permits for all arms transfers to the U.S. that could reach Israel.
- Cancel all military purchases from Israel (e.g., $43 million in Israeli missiles documented by The Maple).
- Update the procurement code of conduct to ban contracts with companies involved in the occupation.
Without these steps, Canada is not a neutral observer or a reluctant ally—it is a co-belligerent in Israel’s genocide. The report’s data strips away the government’s denials and euphemisms. The question is no longer whether Canada is complicit, but whether Canadians will demand their government stop being complicit. History will judge not only the arms exporters but the citizens who tolerated this trade in the name of jobs or alliance. As the report concludes, “Canadian-made military goods have continued to flow directly to Israel this entire time.” That flow must end.
