The Defeat of Trumpism in Canada

The recent election in Canada heralds the defeat of Trumpism worldwide. What conservatives eagerly latched on to as the “magic formula” for political success is actually the political kiss of death, as Canada’s mini-Trump found out. One day soon, conservatism will rid itself of the noxious influence of Trumpism.

Pierre Poilievre, the defeated leader of Canada’s Conservative Party, became known as “mini-Trump,” because he closely modeled himself after the American president, including even an airplane in which he flew about, to speak at rallies. The airplane even had his name boldly painted on it (appropriately, Poilievre’s airplane was smaller than the jumbo used by Trump).

With Poilievre’s defeat came also the defeat of Trumpism in Canada, and the emergence of a unique nationalism, which is contrary to that peddled by Trump and his failed Canadian acolyte.

For many decades, Canada has been fully integrated into the economy of the United States, so that in many regards, there was little to distinguish the two countries. As always, economics is not neutral, for it brings with it American political culture, and much in Canada imitates what exists south of the border. There is the general perception that what works in America must also work in Canada. This is especially true of Canadian conservative politics, which eagerly copies the American model. In other words, there is little organic, Canadian conservatism.

Thus, with the rise of Donald Trump, and his adoption of populist-nationalist rhetoric, it became common to hear in the conservative camp the same sort of talking points as animated the MAGA world: reactionary and exclusionary declarations about nationalism, scapegoating of minorities, anti-globalist anger, and anti-elite messaging.

If MAGA may be construed as an ideology, then it would be a set of beliefs about the United States—that it was once a great country but has declined due to foreign influence, immigration, multiculturalism, and globalization. Therefore, MAGA advocates for “America First” policies, including economic protectionism, reduced immigration (especially from developing countries), and a return to what supporters consider traditional American values.

In more concrete terms, these beliefs are made into political action, which include nativism and nationalism, which emphasizes national sovereignty, restricting immigration, deporting people who have come into the country illegally, and opposing globalist policies perceived as harmful to American interests. MAGA also frames society as divided between “the pure people” and “corrupt elites,” with rhetoric that appeals to economic and cultural grievances of certain voter groups, especially those economically disenfranchised. On a cultural level, MAGA promotes social values that it labels as “traditional,” while opposing progressive cultural changes.

This entire worldview was imported wholesale into Canada and became the bedrock of what became known as “Maple MAGA.” The term combines “maple,” a symbol of Canada, with “MAGA.” It is sometimes expressed as “maple syrup MAGA,” referencing a stereotypical Canadian product.

It was the Conservative Party of Canada, led by Pierre Poilievre that aggressively adopted Trumpism, all the while denying such an adoption.

Thus, Poilievre shifted the Conservative Party to a more aggressive, angrier tone, embracing elements of Trumpism, and echoing its sentiments and populist appeals. He began to use populist, confrontational language similar to Trump, positioning himself as a defender of “common sense” against elites and the media, often casting himself as a victim of establishment forces, again like Trump.

Next, he brought in nasty personal attacks, which Trump excels at, into Canadian politics. Thus, Poilievre built his entire career on personally attacking the erstwhile Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau. Poilievre honed a highly confrontational and populist style, targeting Trudeau’s character, policies, and family background in a manner that were before heard in Canadian political discourse, which is noted for being civil.

Like Trump, he also made policies into sales gimmicks, with three-word sloganeering, which he slung about at every instance. Thus, from his lips were heard such gems as “axe the tax, “spike the hike,” “build the homes,” “fix the budget,” “stop the crime,” and “bring it home.” These became his Trumpian catchy, repetitive messaging. And his “vision” was simply stolen from Trump: “Canada First.”

Like Trump, he openly insulted political opponents, never before heard in Canadian political discourse, and he shared Trump’s contempt for mainstream media and expertise, frequently attacking journalists and critics, while portraying himself as their victim.

Then, there was Poilievre’s Trumpian economic policies that favored the rich, with significant tax cuts, especially capital gains tax cuts, that primarily benefit high-income earners and billionaires, which he justified as a strategy to compete with Trump’s pro-billionaire policies in the US.

Poilievre’s Conservatives stalled or opposed expansions in universal healthcare programs like pharmacare and dental care, framing these as unaffordable or unnecessary.

Returning to that airplane (an Airbus A319), in true Trumpian style, Poilievre cultivated the persona of hating mainstream media. Thus, he made sure to place strict limitations on media access, developed a combative stance toward mainstream journalism, and preferred a preference for direct communication through social media and highly controlled events.

Thus, he made sure that only a select few, chosen journalists could ask questions, and limiting the total number of questions to four without follow-ups. He also positioned reporters at a distance behind barriers during events. Party staff actively obstructed unchosen journalists attempting to engage with his supporters or local candidates.

This tight control was intended to manage the narrative and avoid difficult questions, similar to tactics used by Trump.

Then, there was the anti-journalism rhetoric and media distrust, with Poilievre openly accusing mainstream media of bias and unreliability, especially criticizing outlets receiving government funding such as the CBC and those supported by local journalism grants. He suggested these are used for government propaganda, echoing Trump’s frequent attacks on the “fake news” media.

Then, there were the rallies, which were best described as distinctly Trumpian,” with large, enthusiastic crowds and a style reminiscent of Trump’s political events. His messaging strategy focuses on bypassing traditional media to communicate directly with supporters through social media platforms, YouTube videos, and targeted advertising, mirroring Trump’s approach to controlling his narrative and mobilizing his base.

While this media control and anti-journalism stance appealed to the maple MAGA types, it did not sit well with the general Canadian voter, especially in Francophone Canada, where people had a visceral dislike of the man.

This Trumpian persona that Poilievre built over the years was also his downfall. He failed to understand a far greater source of strength that holds Canada together—its deep-seated and even innate patriotism, which is neither boisterous, loud or aggressive. But it is powerful.

And it is this quiet patriotism that Trump awoke when he began his silliness about making Canada the 51st state. This patriotism very quickly became anger and then hatred of Trump and his version of America. But Poilievre had hitched his political wagon too firmly to Trump and his MAGA. The acolyte was betrayed by his mentor.

The results of the recent election give the clearest picture—Canada rejects the Trumpian vision of what it means to be “great,” and Canada rejects the ideology of Trumpism.

If Poilievre understood this and cultivated a conservatism deeply rooted in what Canada is as a nation, he would be the country Prime Minister. But now, as mini-Trump, he went down in defeat—most embarrassingly, in his own riding, which he had represented in Parliament for 20 years. He was defeated by an ordinary man, who has never held political office—but who made a point of rejecting Trumpism as embodied by Poilievre.

More crucially, what we have witnessed in Canada is something unique, and it portends what is to come—the defeat of Trumpism worldwide. Slowly, people are beginning to understand the threat that the imitation of MAGA poses to other countries. Canada has shown the way. The Trump political brand is now poison.


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