A recent German poll finds that AfD party members love Israel, and their leader, Alice Weidel, says she fully supports Israel, while Prime Minister Netanyahu’s son, Yair, is this party’s hero, because he said, “Schengen zone is dead and soon your evil globalist organization will be too, and Europe will return to be free, democratic and Christian!” We will refrain from asking what Yair means by “Christian,” given that his father has bombed many churches and killed and imprisoned a lot of Arab Christians. No doubt something that meets the approval of Israel.
Giorgia Meloni of Italy began as a strong backer of Israel, but faced with the reality of the Holocaust underway in Gaza and a huge backleash in Italy, changed her tune and began to advocate for a two-state solution. Of course, Yair had cheered her on when she won back in 2022.
Marine Le Pen has described her party, National Rally, as “Zionist,” in that it fully supports Israel and has openly supported Israel over Palestine. Her party president, Jordan Bardella, also stated that “Recognizing Palestine now would be recognizing terrorism.” A few years earlier, Le Pen had pointed out that her party {then called the Front National) “is without a doubt the best shield to protect you [French Jews] against the one true enemy, Islamic fundamentalism.”
Geert Wilders, who might well end up ruling the Netherlands made his views clear long ago and they have not changed at all: “My friends, what we need today is Zionism for the nations of Europe.”
Viktor Orbán, the Prime Minister of Hungary, is a long-time friend of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. This partnership is rooted in shared concerns over immigration and the perceived threats posed by Islam to European values. Orbán’s government has framed its anti-immigration policies as a defense of “Judeo-Christian Europe,” aligning closely with Netanyahu’s views on regional stability and security1. The Hungarian government has also actively sidelined the Palestinian issue in favor of pro-Israel policies, particularly within the European Union context, where it opposes anti-Israel sentiments. Note: “Judeo-Christian.”
Santiago Abascal, the leader of Spain’s Vox party was invited to Israel in May 2024. During meetings with Israeli officials, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, he emphasized that there would be “no prizes for terrorism” and asserted that Spain would reverse its recognition of Palestine if he were to become prime minister. He criticized the current Spanish government’s recognition of Palestinian statehood as a move that legitimizes what he termed “satanic terrorism” by Hamas.
Both Giorgia Meloni of Italy and Nigel Farage, although early supporters of Israel (Meloni was the first to land in Israel after the October 7 Hamas razzia), have balked at the reality of the Palestinian Holocaust and are trying to distance themselves from Zionism.
As for the United States, its support for Zionism and Israel is legion and does not bear repeating. Netanyahu described Trump as “the best friend Israel has ever had in the White House.” Trump without Zionism is like a fish without water.
But how did this support of the Right in Europe and North America for Zionism and Israel come about?
We have to go back to 2003, when Gianfranco Fini visited Israel. Fini was the secretary of the Italian Social Movement (MSI), which had its roots in Italy’s fascist past. In the 1990s, under his guidance, the MSI became the National Alliance (AN), which distanced itself from its fascist origins by adopting more mainstream conservative positions. Evetually, Fini would further away from the Right and became more of a Centrist.
But in 2003, he was still very much a Rightist, but one who wanted reorient the AN and make it more modern, or post-fascist. And so, he went to Israel to demonstrate this reorientation. He wanted the European Right to have stronger and deeper ties with Israel and with the Jews. Therefore, he visited he visited Yad Vashem, the Holocaust memorial, and then met with Italy’s Jewish community. he also condemned the anti-Jewish laws during the time of Mussolini, referring to that period as a “shameful chapter” in Italian history. Ever since then, the European Right has followed Fini’s lead and has done all it can to demonstrate its allegiance to the state of Israel.
Then, seven years later, a delegation arrived in Tel Aviv. It was December 19, 2010, and about thirty leaders from the newly established European Alliance for Freedom (EAF) came to meet with members of the Likud Party, as well as Rabbi Nissim Zeev of the Shas Party (which advocates for the recognition of Jews as the “indigenous” people of Israel and Palestine). The delegation was invited by Eliezer Cohen, who served in the Israeli air force and who was also an ex-member of the Knesset. Cohen is notorious for writing a letter to all Knesset members, in 2001, in which he stated that all Israeli’s are at war with all Palestinians, and therefore anytime an Arab member of the Knesset gets up to speak, all Jewish members should leave: “:Does anyone believe that during the Second World War, a German, not an officer in an SS uniform, not a Nazi, just an ordinary German, could have stood at the podium of the British Parliament in London and made a speech in favor of Nazi Germany?” By the way, the association of Palestinians with the Nazis is an Israeli trope that still yields great results in the West, since “Palestinians” are easily replaced by “Islam.” The Centrists had already been coopted, while the Left was unpredictable. It was the Right which could be easily cultivated as a Zionist “fifth column” in the West.
The European Alliance for Freedom was a rightist, Eurosceptic political party created in 2010, which was recognized by the European Parliament in 2011. The EAF sought to bring together various European populists and nationalists movements as one political entity. The EAF advocated national sovereignty, promoted traditional values and opposed European integration. The EAF was founded by Godfrey Bloom, ab led by Franz Obermayr. Marine Le Pen served as the vice-president, and Gert Wilders was also a founding member.
The unique character of the EAF was the way it was set up, with an emphasis on recruiting right-wing individuals from across Europe, rather than being focused on one particular region or country. Its agenda emphasized national identity, and it criticized the immigration policies that were in place at that time. It opposed the EU because it saw it as a supranational control mechanism.
Given the way it was composed (individuals from across Europe), it could not galvanize into a political party, and eventually it ran out of steam by 2016 and ceased its activities.
The 2010 EAF delegation (30-strong) that arrived in Tel Aviv included prominent figures like Geert Wilders from the Netherlands, Philip Dewinter from Belgium, and Heinz-Christian Strache from Austria, who succeeded Jörg Haider. They were given the royal treatment and shown all the requisite sites (Yad Vashem,
The delegation was given the royal treatment, while visiting the requisite sites (Yad Vashem, a kibbutz, and even a hurried glimpse of Palestinians, through bullet-proof windows no less), and before long the EAF issued its (in)famous Jerusalem Declaration, which would become the eternal blueprint of the Western Right: forever united with Israel and Zionism, to fight the Islamic threat. This Declaration was written in Israel, oddly in German, and remains little read, although it should be more widely known in order to understand the Right in the West, especially with the rise of various Rightist political parties which draw their ideological fuel from this Declaration.
Briefly, the Declaration advocates a defense of the West defined by its Hellenic and “Judeo-Christian” heritage. What part exactly was played by Judaism in the history of the West is never defined by the Right; somehow it is lumped together with “Christian,” which also is never defined. Second, the very presence of Muslims in the West is a dire threat. The Muslims are a threat because it is in their nature (mindset) to take over and dominate, because that is what “Islam” does, being both an “ideology” and a “religion.” Of course, like “Judaism: and “Christianity,” the Declaration neglects to define “Islam.” It is simply lumped together as the dangerous Other for “Judeo-Christianity.”
And it is here that Zionism’s most successful strategy comes to the fore: Islam is Nazism and all Muslims therefore are Nazis; there is no moderate Islam, since how can you have a moderate version of Nazism? Here, the state of Israel becomes all of Europe, valiantly fighting the “Muslim Nazis” who seek to extinguish the great outpost of “Western civilization” in the Middle East. If Israel falls, all of the West will fall. Thus, the fate of Israel and that of the West are inseparable, and the defense of the one is the defense of the other. Thus, Israel must be protested, just as the West must be protected.
The Declaration understands Islam as a predator, on the prowl, seeking its next prey (Israel-Europe). It must be forcefully repelled, if not utterly destroyed, and therefore Israel has the right of self-defense, against “Islamic terror.”
After 2010, the support for the Right by Israel and by some Jews living in the West has been consequential. We just have to look at the influence of Miriam Adelson, and the “winning over” of Musk.
Thus, from 2003, Israel and Zionists in the West have become wedded to the Right. they both see each other as partners who face the same “enemy” in Islam.
What can we learn form all this?
The Right in the West is afraid of Islam and sees Israel as the equivalent of a Crusader state; that is, an “outpost” of Europe. That is, as an ally against jihad. The Right is also a bit racist and simply despises people they identify as “ragheads.”
The Right is also much manipulated by way of the current political climate. Thus, immigration is exploited, so that the West should treat Muslims living in their midst as Israel treats its Palestinians. Immigration has probably been encouraged for this very purpose.
Some conservatives think they cannot have both Jews and Muslims against them. So, by supporting Israel, they think they are winning Jewish tolerance. Therefore, the support for Israel from the political Right in the West is rooted in a complex interplay of historical, ideological, and geopolitical factors. This support has been manifested in various forms, including military aid, political backing, and a shared ideological anti-Muslim framework that often aligns with far-right movements.
Many Western nations, particularly the United States, have historically provided Israel with substantial political, military, and financial assistance. This support is often justified by the belief in Israel’s right to exist and defend itself against perceived threats, from neighboring countries and groups like Hamas.
In Europe, there is a notable alignment between Israel’s far-right factions and similar movements within Western nations. These groups often share a mutual animosity towards Islam and Muslims, which fosters a supportive relationship. For example, European far-right parties view Israel as a bastion of Western values in the Middle East, reinforcing their own anti-Islamic narratives. Political leaders on the Right frequently invoke themes of self-defense and existential threat to justify unwavering support for Israel. Therefore, many right-wing groups view Israel as a crucial ally and an “outpost of Western democracy” in the Middle East, which they perceive a hostile region.
This perspective leads them to staunchly support Israeli actions, seeing them as part of a broader struggle against radical Islam. They believe that supporting Israel is essential for defending Western values against perceived threats from radical Islam. The right-wing groups argue that supporting Israel is essential to combatting what they perceive as a global threat posed by Islamist groups. Thus, a significant aspect of the relationship between European far-right movements and Israel is their mutual animosity towards Muslims. This common ground fosters a strategic alliance, where both parties see themselves as fighting against a common enemy.
The rise of nationalist sentiments, within far-right movements, aligns perfectly with Israel’s own far-right policies, which emphasize Jewish sovereignty and expansionist ideologies. This shared vision reinforces their support for Israel, as they both advocate for ethno-nationalist agendas.
Far-right parties often perceive a strong Israel as beneficial for their own national interests, viewing it as a counterbalance to regional instability, which could affect Europe and the West more broadly. Following events like the September 11 attacks, Israeli leaders have strategically linked their military actions against Palestinians to the broader “war on terrorism.” This narrative resonates with right-wing groups that also frame their political agendas around combating terrorism.
Right-wing leaders have actively opposed any recognition of Palestinian statehood, fearing it would legitimize what they perceive as an Islamist threat. This stance reinforces their support for Israeli policies that reject Palestinian claims.
Right-wing groups argue that Israel faces an existential threat from organizations, like Hamas and Hezbollah, which they characterize as committed to Israel’s destruction. This narrative positions Israel’s military actions as necessary for its survival against these perceived aggressors. The framing of Israel’s operations in Gaza, as acts of self-defense, is central to right-wing rhetoric. They assert that military responses are justified when facing attacks, such as the recent actions initiated by Hamas, which they label as a declaration of war against the West. Right-wing supporters frequently invoke historical narratives that frame Jews as perpetual victims of persecution, thus legitimizing contemporary Israeli actions as necessary for the protection of Jewish people worldwide.
Some far-right arguments dismiss Palestinian claims to land and rights, framing them instead as aggressors, who have historically rejected peace offers from Israel. This narrative positions Israel’s actions as responses to ongoing hostilities rather than provocations and outright attacks.
The rise of nationalist sentiments within right-wing movements correlates with support for Israel’s policies that emphasize Jewish nationalism and territorial claims, particularly in contested areas like East Jerusalem and the West Bank. Far-right movements often benefit from strong pro-Israel lobbying efforts that shape public discourse and political positions within Western governments, reinforcing their support for Israeli policies.
Thus, the Right in the West is Zionist because it has been fabricated as such by Israel and its various agents and supporters. Consequentially, the source of much of the anti-Islam sentiment in the West is fueled by Zionists.
