Admiral Alfred Thayer Mahan, the creator of the concept of U.S. “sea power,” primarily insisted on the creation of a strong navy to ensure safe maritime transportation around the world and to prevent enemies from approaching the borders of the United States. In the twentieth century, especially after World War II, the situation changed and Washington intended to control other regions through the permanent presence of its military bases there.
The power of the U.S. Navy is based on its ability to use, or threaten to use, force; but for the United States the navy also performs important diplomatic and policing functions. To accomplish these tasks, the U.S. Navy regularly employs Marines, amphibious assault forces, and the Coast Guard. These three naval services have several interrelated capabilities that they claim constitute U.S. sea power.
According to U.S. naval doctrine, this maritime power is accomplished through the following elements:
1. “Forward Presence.” The Navy is deployed to various regions that are of strategic interest to the United States.
2. “Deterrence.” Aimed at discouraging adversaries from acting against the U.S., its allies, and partners. For example, U.S. Navy ballistic missile submarines are part of the nuclear triad and are particularly valued for their ability to hide and remain a credible threat during a potential nuclear conflict.
3. “Sea Control.” Needed to provide the freedom of action necessary to achieve other objectives, such as protection of shipping, military maritime transportation, and blockades.
4. “Power Projection.” Relates to threatening or directing strikes, from ballistic missile strikes to amphibious assaults, against onshore targets, over an extended period of time.
5. “Maritime Security.” This is directly related to maritime commerce, as about 90 percent of world trade is conducted by maritime vessels. Operations include anti-piracy, drug interdiction, environmental protection and other law enforcement measures.
6. “Humanitarian Assistance/Disaster Response.” In the event of natural and man-made disasters, it provides medical, food, logistical and security assistance.
The last two points are widely used in the sphere of diplomacy and foreign policy, although even at the very beginning of the formation of the U.S. maritime power there was such a concept as “gunboat diplomacy,” based on a combination of military and political actions on the part of the U.S. against a number of countries. Now, however, Washington has taken this approach to a new level by mixing civilian and military objectives and missions.
According to the U.S. Maritime Warfare Doctrine, “Key actions by the Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard that provide increased national security include improving cooperation and mutual capacity and capability, enhancing collective global awareness, and providing comprehensive and effective response options to threats in the maritime domain.” A total of 340,000 people serve in the U.S. Navy. In addition, there are 94,000 in the reserve and 221,000 civilians whose work is directly related to the U.S. Navy. According to a report to the U.S. Congress dated August 6, 2024.
The U.S. Navy has 296 ships, of which 12 aircraft carriers, 31 amphibious assault ships, 15 cruisers, 73 destroyers, 23 frigates, and 66 submarines (of which 12 are equipped with ballistic missiles) represent the main strike force. Currently, in accordance with the Pentagon’s wishes, the number of the fleet is planned to be increased to 381 ships, including 31 larger landing ships to be built in the 2030s. In addition, the Navy is planned to be reinforced with 150 unmanned ships by 2045 as part of its goal of creating a “hybrid force” that will operate above and below the waterline, i.e., surface and underwater drones.
Given the use of such assets in the Black Sea by the AFU, these drones may have some escalation effect when deployed. Although it is more likely that the drones will initially be used for reconnaissance and reconnaissance purposes.
Part of the decision to modernize the U.S. Navy has been influenced in part by China’s success in developing its navy.iii However, while the U.S. is increasing its presence off the coast of China, nowhere is that country’s maritime power more evident than in the Middle East region.
In fact, the Middle East is the most important point of U.S. military presence at sea. The U.S. Fifth Fleet based there is responsible for about 2.5 million square miles of territory, including the Persian Gulf, Gulf of Oman, North Arabian Sea, Gulf of Aden and Red Sea.
The mission of U.S. Naval Forces Central Command is to conduct maritime security operations, theater security cooperation, and enhance maritime capabilities of partner nations to ensure security and stability in the U.S. 5th Fleet area of operations.
A dedicated naval force for the Middle East region was established in the U.S. in 1949, and a U.S. Navy base in Bahrain was established in 1971. In turn, Qatar is home to the regional headquarters of U.S. Central Command. Several thousand U.S. military personnel are currently stationed in the Middle East, and several thousand more are on ships at sea in the region.
In total, the United States has military installations in at least nineteen locations—eight of which many regional analysts consider permanent—in countries such as Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and the United Arab Emirates. The U.S. military also utilizes major bases in Djibouti and Turkey, which are part of other regional commands but often contribute significantly to U.S. operations in the Middle East.
All host countries have basing agreements with the United States, with the exception of Syria, where U.S. forces have effectively occupied two zones where they have stationed bases. As of early August, several large warship formations, including an aircraft carrier strike group and an amphibious assault group, were conducting operations in the region.
Typically, an aircraft carrier strike group includes one aircraft carrier, one cruiser, one attack submarine, four to six destroyers, and one support ship with the necessary ammunition and equipment. Such a group has approximately seven and a half thousand personnel. An aircraft carrier accommodates 75 aircraft, including at least 40 strike fighters. Therefore, it can be said that the U.S. sea power implicitly includes the instrument of air supremacy, which helps to promptly project strike power to farther distances.
In previous years, the US has kept its ships in the Persian Gulf to deter Iran and also partly because of the fight against piracy in the Horn of Africa. This year, the presence has been greatly increased because of regional tensions caused by the warring Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as well as attacks by the Houthis who control the Gulf of Aden in the Arabian Sea and the Strait of Hormuz in the Red Sea. In a serious blow to the prestige of U.S. maritime power, the coalition of twenty countries assembled by the U.S. late last year for Operation Welfare Guardian came to nothing.
Notably, of the Arab countries, only Bahrain joined, apparently only for the reason that the U.S. Fifth Fleet is actually based and commanded there. In turn, the Houthis have continued and continue to regularly launch rockets and drones at Israel and at various targets in the Red Sea. Given the fact that Iran is designated as a threat in White House, U.S. State Department, and Pentagon doctrinal documents, any forces associated with the Islamic Republic are labeled as “potential enemies” of the United States. At least six countries are considered “potentially dangerous” because of the presence of groups or movements in them that are in some way Iran-oriented, either because of religious ties (Shi’ism) or because of any support from Tehran.
The Americans consider Iraq as one of the most important territories for them, where at least five major pro-Iranian groups are based. These are Kataib Hazballah, Bard Organization, Asaib Ahd al-Hah, Hezbollah Harakat al-Nujaba and Kataib Sayed al-Shuhada (in total more than 1000 thousand people). The second most dangerous is Lebanon, where Hezbollah operates with up to 45,000 fighters. The list of “threats” also includes Syria, where the Fatemiyoun Brigade, Zainabiyoun Brigade, Bakir Brigade and Kuwat al-Ridha (about 20 thousand) are based. And finally, Yemen, which the Americans cannot handle even with the help of allies. The Houthi movement in Yemen has about 30,000 capable fighters in total strength. The Americans complain that fighters from all of these groups regularly shell U.S. bases in the region, while the Houthis attack ships with either U.S. or Israeli ties.
In addition, in terms of global positioning, the Middle East is organically linked to the Mediterranean region, which is under NATO control and where the U.S. also has military bases. As we know, the U.S. Sixth Fleet is based in Naples, and it is from this direction that a threat to North Africa (as was the case with Libya during the NATO operation against that country in 2011), as well as to the entire Levant, can be created. On the other hand, the Middle East is adjoined by the vast Indo-Pacific region, for which the concept of free and open region (FOIP) is applied. It should be noted that FOIP, in addition to stimulating the interaction of US partners along the lines of Washington’s deterrence strategy, offers a conceptual approach in opposition to China’s “One Belt, One Road” strategy, further drawing Australia into the anti-China coalition. The concept is now also seen as an outline for expanding the network of security partners and allies in the Indo-Pacific to ease the burden on the US by simply shifting it to other countries.
Thus, the military presence in the Middle East is, in effect, a supporting structure for a global system of American control over the world’s waters and trade routes. against the backdrop of all these factors, predictions that the U.S. is allegedly preparing to withdraw from the Middle East have little basis in fact. The Americans will probably only strengthen their naval presence in the region.
This article appears through the kind courtesy of Geopolitika.
