The upcoming U.S. presidential election, which is to be held on November 5, 2024, is of absolute importance. The fate of not only the United States and even the entire West, but also the entire humanity depends on their outcome. The world is teetering on the brink of nuclear war, a full-fledged and total World War III between Russia and NATO countries. Who will stand at the head of the White House next term will ultimately determine whether humanity will exist or not.
That is why it is so important to take a second look at the two candidates in this election, to reflect on their platforms and positions.
Biden certainly presents today a feeble-minded invalid with clear signs of senile dementia. But, strangely enough, it makes almost no difference. Biden is just a facade, a signboard for the Democratic Party political elites firmly in power in the US, who have reached a firm consensus on Biden. In principle, Biden could rule with a dead body. It would not change anything. He has a cohesive group of globalists (sometimes called “world government”) behind him, uniting not only much of the American deep state, but also liberal elites in Europe and globally.
Ideologically, Biden is globalism—that is, the project of uniting humanity under the rule of liberal technocratic elites, with the abolition of sovereign nation-states and the complete mixing of peoples and faiths. It is a kind of a new Tower of Babel project. Orthodox Christians and many Christian traditionalists of other denominations legitimately see in this the “coming of the Antichrist.” Globalists (Yuval Harari, Klaus Schwab, Raymond Kurzweil, Maurice Strong) openly speak of the need to replace humanity with artificial intelligence and cyborgs, and the abolition of gender and ethnicity is already a fact of Western societies. Personally, nothing at all depends on Biden in the realization of this project. He does not make decisions, but only fulfills the role of an authorized representative of the international headquarters of world globalism.
Politically, Biden relies on the Democratic Party, which, with all the diversity of its positions and the presence of non-globalist poles and figures, such as the extreme leftist Bernie Sanders or Robert Kennedy, has reached an internal agreement to support him. Moreover, Biden’s incapacity does not scare anyone, as the real power is held by other personalities—younger and more rational. But that is not the main point—behind Biden is an ideology that is now widespread in the world. Most of the world’s political and economic elites are liberals to one degree or another. Liberalism is deeply embedded in education, science, culture, information, economics, business, politics, and even technology on a planetary level. Biden is just a point of convergence of the rays of this global web. At the same time, the Democratic Party in the United States has become its political embodiment. The Democrats in the United States care less and less about the Americans themselves and more and more about preserving their global dominance at any cost—even at the cost of a world war (with Russia and China). In a sense, they are willing to sacrifice the United States itself. This makes them extremely dangerous.
The globalist agenda of those behind Biden is also shared by representatives of American neoconservative circles. These are former Trotskyists who hate Russia and believe that world revolution is possible only after the complete victory of capitalism, i.e., the global West on a worldwide scale. They have therefore postponed this goal until after the cycle of capitalist globalization is complete, hoping to return to the theme of proletarian revolution later, after the global victory of the liberal West. The neocons act as hawks, insist on a unipolar world, fully support Israel and in particular the genocide in Gaza. There are also neocons among Democrats, but most of them are concentrated among Republicans, where they represent a pole opposite to Trump. In a sense, they are the fifth column of the Democrats and Biden’s group inside the Republican Party.
And finally, the American Deep State. Here we are talking about the non-partisan top of government officials, top bureaucrats and major figures in the army and special services, who embody a kind of “guardians” of American statehood. Traditionally, there have been two vectors for the American Deep State, embodied precisely in the traditional policies of Democrats and Republicans. One vector is for global dominance and the spread of liberalism on a planetary scale (the policy of the Democrats), and the other vector is for the strengthening of the US as a great superpower, as the hegemon of world politics (the policy of the Republicans). It is easy to see that these are not mutually exclusive lines, but both vectors are directed toward the same goal with different nuances. Therefore, the American Deep State is the guardian of the general direction, allowing the balance of parties to choose one of the vectors of development each time, both of which the Deep State is fundamentally satisfied with.
At this point, Biden’s faction more accurately reflects the interests and values of this top American bureaucracy. Biden concentrates a critical number of power factors, from ideology to the Deep State, and is backed by the support of major financial corporations, the world press, and control of global monopolies. His personal weakness and senile dementia are forcing the globalists behind him to force undemocratic methods to keep him in power. In a recent speech at a campaign rally, Biden bluntly stated that “it’s time to put freedom over democracy.” This was not another caveat, but the globalists’ plan. If it is not possible to hold power by democratic methods, any undemocratic processes can take place under the slogan of “freedom,” that is, in fact, the establishment of a globalist dictatorship. War with Russia will give legal grounds for this, and Biden can repeat the trick of Zelensky, who remained in power after the cancelation of elections. Macron in France, who suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of the right in the European Parliament elections, and even Scholz in Germany, who is rapidly losing support, may choose the same. Globalists in the West are clearly considering the scenario of establishing a direct dictatorship and abolishing democracy.
For mankind, Biden’s victory or the mere fact that he remains in power in any capacity will be a catastrophe. Globalists will continue to build New Babylon, clinging to world government; and this is fraught with the escalation of existing conflicts and the beginning of new ones. Biden is war. With no end and no boundaries.
Donald Trump is backed by very different forces. It is a valid alternative to Biden and his group of globalists, and a much more contrasting one at that. That is why Trump’s first presidential term has been a continuous scandal. The American establishment flatly refused to accept him and did not rest until he was replaced by Biden.
Trump, unlike Biden, is a personality bright, distinctive, impulsive and strong-willed. Individually, despite his age, he is fit, passional, energetic and alert. Moreover, while Biden is a team man and essentially a protege of globalist circles, Trump is a loner, the embodiment of the American dream of personal success. He is a narcissist and egoist, but a very skillful and successful politician.
Ideologically, Trump draws on classic American conservatives (not neocons!). They are often called paleoconservatives. They are heirs to the traditional isolationist tradition of the Republicans, which is expressed in Trump’s slogan “America First!” These classical conservatives defend traditional values: the normal family of a man and a woman, the Christian faith, and the preservation of decency and norms familiar to American culture.
The ideology of paleoconservatives in foreign policy boils down to strengthening the U.S. as a sovereign nation-state (hence Trump’s slogan “Make America Great Again”) and refusing to interfere in the politics of other countries when it does not directly threaten U.S. security and interests.
In other words, Trump’s ideological platform is completely opposite to Biden’s ideological platform. Today, this ideology is most often associated with Trump himself and defined as “Trumpism.”
It is worth noting that electorally and sociologically such ideology is shared by almost the majority of Americans—especially in the central states between the strips of both coasts. The average American is conservative and traditional, although a culture of individualism makes him indifferent to what others, including the authorities, think. Belief in their own strength makes traditional Americans skeptical of the federal government, which by definition only limits their freedoms. It was the direct appeal to this ordinary American—and over the heads of political, financial and media elites—that allowed Trump to be elected president in 2016.
Because there are paleoconservatives as well as neoconservatives among Republicans, the Republican Party is largely split. The neocons are closer to Biden and the forces behind him; Trump’s ideology goes against their principled positions. The only thing that brings them together is the declaration of America’s greatness and the desire to strengthen its power in the military-strategic and economic spheres. Moreover, the former Trotskyists have managed to create influential and high-profile think tanks in the U.S. over the decades of their new policy, as well as to infiltrate the existing ones with their representatives. Paleoconservatives have almost no serious thought factories left.
Buchanan lamented in the 1990s that the neocons had simply hijacked the Republican Party, sidelining traditional-oriented politicians. That is a landmine planted under Trump.
But on the other hand, elections matter to Republicans and many major politicians among them—congressmen, senators and governors—take into account Trump’s immense popularity with the electorate and are compelled to support him even for pragmatic reasons. This explains Trump’s critical weight among Republican presidential candidates. For Republicans—not only paleoconservatives but also simple pragmatists—Trump is the key to power. However, the neocons will remain a hugely influential group that Trump will hardly risk breaking with.
From the very beginning, the Deep State’s attitude toward Trump was rather cool. In the eyes of the top bureaucracy, Trump looked like an upstart and even marginal, based on ideas that were popular and traditional for Americans, but still somewhat dangerous. In addition, he did not have enough support in the establishment. Hence the conflict with the CIA and other services that began from the first days of Trump’s presidency in 2017.
The Deep State is clearly not on Trump’s side, but at the same time they cannot ignore his popularity among the population and the fact that strengthening the US as a state in principle does not contradict the fundamental interests of the Deep State representatives themselves. If he wanted to, Trump could create an impressive group of support in this environment, but his political temperament is not suitable for this. He prefers to act spontaneously and impulsively, relying on his own strength. That is what lures voters, who see in him a culturally familiar American archetype.
If Trump manages, against all odds, to win the presidential election in 2024, his relationship with the Deep State will certainly change. Realizing that he is not an accidental figure, Deep State will clearly try to establish a systemic relationship with him.
Most likely, the globalists behind the weak Biden will try to remove the strong Trump from the election and prevent him from becoming president at any cost. All methods can be used here: assassination, imprisonment, organization of riots and protest actions, up to a coup or civil war. Or at the end of his term, Biden will start World War III. This is also very likely.
Since the globalists have serious support from the Deep State, any of these scenarios could be invoked. However, assuming that the popular and populist Trump wins and becomes president, this would of course affect the entire world politics in the most serious way.
First of all, the second term of a U.S. president with such an ideology will show that the first term was a pattern and not an “unfortunate” (for globalists) accident. The unipolar world and the globalist project will be rejected not only by the supporters of the multipolar world—Russia, China, Islamic countries, but also by the Americans themselves. This will deal a powerful blow to the entire network of the liberal-globalist elite. And most likely, they will not recover from such a blow.
Objectively, Trump will be able to become the trigger of a multipolar world order in which the US will take an important but not dominant role. “America will become great again,” but as a nation-state, not as a globalist world hegemon.
At the same time, of course, the conflicts existing today and unleashed by the globalists will not automatically stop by themselves. Trump’s demands on Russia to end the war in Ukraine will be realistic but generally quite tough. His support for Israel in Gaza will be no less unconditional than Biden’s. Moreover, Trump sees Netanyahu’s right-wing policies as a kindred type. And he will have a pretty tough policy toward China, especially in pressuring Chinese businesses in the US.
The main difference between Trump and Biden, however, is that the former will focus on rationally calculated American national interests (which corresponds to realism in international relations) and do so with a pragmatic consideration of the balance of power and resources. Whereas the ideology of the globalists behind Biden is in a sense totalitarian and uncompromising.
Everything is at stake for Biden and, most importantly, for those who fancy themselves the rulers of New Babylon. And their behavior even in a critical situation is unpredictable. Whereas Trump is just a player. Very tough and bold, but constrained by rationality and assessments of concrete benefits. Trump can hardly be persuaded, but he can be bargained with.
Biden and his masters are insane. For Trump, nuclear apocalypse is an unacceptable price for anything.
The US election in November 2024 will answer the question of whether humanity has a chance or no longer. No more and no less.
This article appears through the kind courtesy of Geopolitika.
Featured: Four Angels of Death, woodcut by Albrecht Dürer, from the Apocalipsis cum figuris, 1498.
